{"product_id":"2940012428691","title":"On Liberty","description":"CHAPTER I.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eINTRODUCTORY.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe subject of this Essay is not the so-called Liberty of the Will, so\u003cbr\u003eunfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of Philosophical\u003cbr\u003eNecessity; but Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the\u003cbr\u003epower which can be legitimately exercised by society over the\u003cbr\u003eindividual. A question seldom stated, and hardly ever discussed, in\u003cbr\u003egeneral terms, but which profoundly influences the practical\u003cbr\u003econtroversies of the age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to\u003cbr\u003emake itself recognised as the vital question of the future. It is so far\u003cbr\u003efrom being new, that in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost\u003cbr\u003efrom the remotest ages; but in the stage of progress into which the more\u003cbr\u003ecivilised portions of the species have now entered, it presents itself\u003cbr\u003eunder new conditions, and requires a different and more fundamental\u003cbr\u003etreatment.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous\u003cbr\u003efeature in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar,\u003cbr\u003eparticularly in that of Greece, Rome, and England. But in old times this\u003cbr\u003econtest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and the\u003cbr\u003egovernment. By liberty, was meant protection against the tyranny of the\u003cbr\u003epolitical rulers. The rulers were conceived (except in some of the\u003cbr\u003epopular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic position\u003cbr\u003eto the people whom they ruled. They consisted of a governing One, or a\u003cbr\u003egoverning tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance\u003cbr\u003eor conquest, who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the\u003cbr\u003egoverned, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not\u003cbr\u003edesire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its\u003cbr\u003eoppressive exercise. Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as\u003cbr\u003ehighly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against\u003cbr\u003etheir subjects, no less than against external enemies. To prevent the\u003cbr\u003eweaker members of the community from being preyed upon by innumerable\u003cbr\u003evultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey\u003cbr\u003estronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down. But as the king\u003cbr\u003eof the vultures would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any\u003cbr\u003eof the minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude\u003cbr\u003eof defence against his beak and claws. The aim, therefore, of patriots,\u003cbr\u003ewas to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to\u003cbr\u003eexercise over the community; and this limitation was what they meant by\u003cbr\u003eliberty. It was attempted in two ways. First, by obtaining a recognition\u003cbr\u003eof certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it\u003cbr\u003ewas to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler to infringe, and\u003cbr\u003ewhich if he did infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was\u003cbr\u003eheld to be justifiable. A second, and generally a later expedient, was\u003cbr\u003ethe establishment of constitutional checks; by which the consent of the\u003cbr\u003ecommunity, or of a body of some sort, supposed to represent its\u003cbr\u003einterests, was made a necessary condition to some of the more important\u003cbr\u003eacts of the governing power. To the first of these modes of limitation,\u003cbr\u003ethe ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or\u003cbr\u003eless, to submit. It was not so with the second; and to attain this, or\u003cbr\u003ewhen already in some degree possessed, to attain it more completely,\u003cbr\u003ebecame everywhere the principal object of the lovers of liberty. And so\u003cbr\u003elong as mankind were content to combat one enemy by another, and to be\u003cbr\u003eruled by a master, on condition of being guaranteed more or less\u003cbr\u003eefficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their aspirations\u003cbr\u003ebeyond this point.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eA time, however, came, in the progress of human affairs, when men ceased\u003cbr\u003eto think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an\u003cbr\u003eindependent power, opposed in interest to themselves. It appeared to\u003cbr\u003ethem much better that the various magistrates of the State should be\u003cbr\u003etheir tenants or delegates, revocable at their pleasure. In that way\u003cbr\u003ealone, it seemed, could they have complete security that the powers of\u003cbr\u003egovernment would never be abused to their disadvantage. By degrees, this\u003cbr\u003enew demand for elective and temporary rulers became the prominent object\u003cbr\u003eof the exertions of the popular party, wherever any such party existed;\u003cbr\u003eand superseded, to a considerable extent, the previous efforts to limit\u003cbr\u003ethe power of rulers. As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling\u003cbr\u003epower emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled, some persons\u003cbr\u003ebegan to think that too much importance had been attached to the\u003cbr\u003elimitation of the power itself. _That_ (it might seem) was a resource\u003cbr\u003eagainst rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the\u003cbr\u003epeople.","brand":"SAP","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":47145339715824,"sku":"2940012428691","price":0.99,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0737\/7593\/9824\/files\/2940012428691_p0.jpg?v=1763568653","url":"https:\/\/shop-qa.barnesandnoble.com\/products\/2940012428691","provider":"Barnes \u0026 Noble (DEV)","version":"1.0","type":"link"}